Wednesday, March 4, 2009
"Talking Equality"
The article entitled "Talking Equality" is about how Ackerman is trying to seperate african americans from every other ethnic group in school and build a one nationality school. They are saying that that blacks and latinos are at the bottom of the food chain, and that whites is the smartest nationality known to man. Blacks are said to be the less academic students in every ethnicity. The SRC plannned to issue an update declaration of education to set goals for academic progress between now and 2014. Ackerman wants to make a program to change the students behaviors. She said that students do better in desegregated schools because they tend to be less impacted of poverty and racism.
Tuesday, March 3, 2009
Anti-Colonial Afrikan Leader

My Anti-Colonial Afrikan Leader is Julius Nyerere he was born in March 1922 in Butiama near the shores of Lake Victoria in the north of Tanganyika, he was one of 26 children from one of his father's 22 wives. His father, Nyerere Burito, was a junior chief of the Wazanaki tribe, his grandfather having been appointed the first chief of the Wazanaki by the GermanSo Nyerere, brought up in a household already trained and accustomed to subservience to colonial powers, was provided the rare opportunity of attending a Catholic school. He went to Mwisenge Primary School in Musoma before going to Tabora Government School. In 1943 he joined Makerere University College before becoming the first Tanganyikan to graduate overseas, when he completed a teaching degree at the University of Scotland in 1953. Then followed a stint of teaching jobs at Catholic schools, first at the St Mary Roman Catholic in Tabora then St Francis' Roman Catholic College.
Nyerere's swift political rise had all the hallmarks of one blessed by the powers-that-be. In July 7, 1954, he founded the mysteriously well-resourced Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), which immediately rose to dominate local politics, pushing other (Muslim-led) political parties out of the arena. TANU quickly became a well-organised party machine, fronted by ineffectual "Muslim dignitaries" but totally controlled by a well-educated Christian Θlite. He became a member of the Legislative Council (1958-60) and Chief Minister (1960-61). In 1961 Tanganyika became independence and Nyerere, a devout Catholic, became the Muslim country's first prime minister.
During his first three years in power, Nyerere worked hard to create a power base for himself. This meant alienating the Muslim leaders and populace that had so far danced to his tune. But the devious route Nyerere was taking became so intolerable that in 1964 the army mutinied. It would have been the end of Nyerere's political career, but for the intervention of British troops who re-installed him. For most of the sixties and seventies - while the public image of Nyerere as an "enlightened leader" was being aggressively promoted all over the world by his supporters, mainly Christian - his position was guaranteed by the permanent posting of a battalion of crack British troops in the country.
Nyerere, one of the continent's most vociferous supporters of a one-party state, never once subjected himself to a free and popular plebiscite; to call Nyerere a 'democrat', as some tributes have done, is a joke. The man was the most dictatorial, autocratic and intolerant on the continent. According to the South African commentator Simon Barber, the shortcomings of Nyerere's "dictatorship were ignored by whites in the west, especially Scandinavians, who believed that while colonialism had been a great evil, liberated blacks were nonetheless incorrigibly stupid and thus in need of firm control, not to mention a spot of detention, torture and arbitrary execution, by their own elite. Nyerere's rough stuff was off the sentimental radar of the folks who gave Archbishop Desmond Tutu his Nobel prize." (Business Day, October 27, 1999.)
In 1967 Nyerere launched the most devastating economic experiment in Africa. His imposition of ujamaa, or "familyhood", was a signal failure. a synthesis of African collectivism, Christian values and welfare socialism kibbutz-style, Nyerere's creed occasioned the forced relocation of as much as 70 percent of his (mostly Muslim) people into state-run villages. Behind all the rhetorics of 'socialism' and 'self-reliance', the Arusha Declaration was nothing more than a vicious and brutal social experiment intended to destroy the Muslim fabric of society. Millions of people were herded into collective villages designed by the state. The new kibbutz-like villages were Islam-free secular zones. The environment they created distanced their inhabitants from Islamic history, tradition and culture. Unlike the old villages, the new Ujamaa villages had absolutely no Islamic identity - no mosques, no adhans, no madrassahs and no proper burial grounds.
Young people growing up in this sterile environment were easily converted to Christianity once they went to secondary schools, most of which were run by missionaries. In just over two decades Nyerere managed not only to ensure that real power would always be in the hands of a missionary-educated elite, but also to ensure that Tanganyika's Muslims were divided, ineffective and irrelevant.
Together with the 'villagisation' programme Nyerere introduced massive nationalisation. The effect was to give Nyerere and his cronies direct total control over the country's economy. What was interesting, however, was that nationalisation was restricted mostly to large and middle-sized concerns which were owned by urban Muslims. In one swoop, therefore, he destroyed the economic power of the Muslims and handed it over to the new, mostly Christian party apparatchiks. Interestingly, the major multinationals were left unscathed; to people like Lonrho's Tiny Rowland, Nyerere, for all his pretentious and lofty socialist statements, was always good for business.
Nyerere may have been almost immune to personal corruption, but he created one of the most indelibly corrupt societies in the 'third world'. A few days after Nyerere's burial, an international report confirmed that Tanzania was still one of the world's 25 poorest nations and the seventh most corrupt.
Nyerere's outstanding attribute may have been his ability to disguise his anti-Islam policies as 'Islamic.' He called his socialist experiment ujamaa, a word so associated with Islam and Muslims that many Muslims justified the policy as Islamic. He encouraged people to address him as 'Mwalimu' (teacher), a term of particular endearment among Muslims. And, although he and party-members wore Chinese-designed suits, 'Mwalimu' Nyerere adorned his head with a typical Swahili kofia (hat), an item previously made and worn only by Muslims.
But it was in the implementation of his language policy that Nyerere's 'de-Islamising' policies were most blatant. His adoption of Kiswahili, a language with deep Islamic roots, as the national language to be used in parliament was highly praised. Commentators saw it as yet another sign of Nyerere's commitment towards creating a one-nation state. This may have been partly true, but Nyerere's language policy had other objectives also, as was indicated in the areas of research pursued by his numerous well-funded language centres. The aim was always to 'Bantusize' the language, or in other words to 'de-Islamize' it.
The entire state machinery was behind this process: like the 'Islam-free' collective villages, the new language being devised by Nyerere's experts was to be purged of all Islamic content and context. In the event, it proved impossible to totally de-Islamise one of the oldest and most sophisticated of the Muslim languages in the continent, even though some 'success' was recorded.
However hard he tried, Nyerere could not always hide his anti-Muslim sentiments. "Has Nyerere's political behaviour sometimes reflected his upbringing as a Roman Catholic?" asks Professor Ali Mazrui, a renowned African scholar and acquaintance of Nyerere. "There is a school of thought which explains his recognition of the secessionist Biafra in 1969 as a form of solidarity with fellow Catholics against a Federal Nigeria which was potentially dominated by Muslims. This was in the middle of the Nigerian civil war. The Igbo of Biafra were overwhelmingly Roman Catholic." The leaders of Federal Republic were not.
Some have argued that it was the same anti-Muslim feelings - not concern for human rights - that prompted Nyerere to invade Uganda and topple General Idi Amin in 1979. The argument becomes even stronger if one remembers that all Mwalimu did was to reinstate Milton Obote, no less vicious than Amin, but not quite as ostentatious in his butchery.
Other external policies adopted by Nyerere exposed a similar anti-Muslim bias. His support for Frelimo in Mozambique was connected to the fact that the movement not only marginalised the country's Muslim majority but brutally suppressed it. In the Horn of Africa, Nyerere actively supported the effort by Ogaden to break away from Somalia.
Nearby he went all the way to consummate a forced marriage between Tanganyika and Zanzibar to form the Republic of Tanzania in 1964. The union ostensibly enhanced Nyerere's "pan-Africanist" credentials, but it was mostly at the expense of the Zanzibari Muslims. Nyerere, always eager to be portrayed as a champion of human rights everywhere, tolerated the recorded brutalities and inhumanity inflicted on the people of Zanzibar under the regime of the late Abeid Amani Karume.
The large and emotional crowds at Nyerere's funeral were the cathartic response of a people who never really understood the anomalies, the contradictions and the fantastic failures of a man they were taught to revere as the father of their nation. Nyerere, ever an Anglophile, even translated two of Shakespeare's plays. One of them was Julius Caesar, a man with whom he identified, and on whom he clearly modelled himself. But, as one writer has pointed out, Mwalimu, under Nyerere, became Swahili for fuhrer.s.
Nyerere's swift political rise had all the hallmarks of one blessed by the powers-that-be. In July 7, 1954, he founded the mysteriously well-resourced Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), which immediately rose to dominate local politics, pushing other (Muslim-led) political parties out of the arena. TANU quickly became a well-organised party machine, fronted by ineffectual "Muslim dignitaries" but totally controlled by a well-educated Christian Θlite. He became a member of the Legislative Council (1958-60) and Chief Minister (1960-61). In 1961 Tanganyika became independence and Nyerere, a devout Catholic, became the Muslim country's first prime minister.
During his first three years in power, Nyerere worked hard to create a power base for himself. This meant alienating the Muslim leaders and populace that had so far danced to his tune. But the devious route Nyerere was taking became so intolerable that in 1964 the army mutinied. It would have been the end of Nyerere's political career, but for the intervention of British troops who re-installed him. For most of the sixties and seventies - while the public image of Nyerere as an "enlightened leader" was being aggressively promoted all over the world by his supporters, mainly Christian - his position was guaranteed by the permanent posting of a battalion of crack British troops in the country.
Nyerere, one of the continent's most vociferous supporters of a one-party state, never once subjected himself to a free and popular plebiscite; to call Nyerere a 'democrat', as some tributes have done, is a joke. The man was the most dictatorial, autocratic and intolerant on the continent. According to the South African commentator Simon Barber, the shortcomings of Nyerere's "dictatorship were ignored by whites in the west, especially Scandinavians, who believed that while colonialism had been a great evil, liberated blacks were nonetheless incorrigibly stupid and thus in need of firm control, not to mention a spot of detention, torture and arbitrary execution, by their own elite. Nyerere's rough stuff was off the sentimental radar of the folks who gave Archbishop Desmond Tutu his Nobel prize." (Business Day, October 27, 1999.)
In 1967 Nyerere launched the most devastating economic experiment in Africa. His imposition of ujamaa, or "familyhood", was a signal failure. a synthesis of African collectivism, Christian values and welfare socialism kibbutz-style, Nyerere's creed occasioned the forced relocation of as much as 70 percent of his (mostly Muslim) people into state-run villages. Behind all the rhetorics of 'socialism' and 'self-reliance', the Arusha Declaration was nothing more than a vicious and brutal social experiment intended to destroy the Muslim fabric of society. Millions of people were herded into collective villages designed by the state. The new kibbutz-like villages were Islam-free secular zones. The environment they created distanced their inhabitants from Islamic history, tradition and culture. Unlike the old villages, the new Ujamaa villages had absolutely no Islamic identity - no mosques, no adhans, no madrassahs and no proper burial grounds.
Young people growing up in this sterile environment were easily converted to Christianity once they went to secondary schools, most of which were run by missionaries. In just over two decades Nyerere managed not only to ensure that real power would always be in the hands of a missionary-educated elite, but also to ensure that Tanganyika's Muslims were divided, ineffective and irrelevant.
Together with the 'villagisation' programme Nyerere introduced massive nationalisation. The effect was to give Nyerere and his cronies direct total control over the country's economy. What was interesting, however, was that nationalisation was restricted mostly to large and middle-sized concerns which were owned by urban Muslims. In one swoop, therefore, he destroyed the economic power of the Muslims and handed it over to the new, mostly Christian party apparatchiks. Interestingly, the major multinationals were left unscathed; to people like Lonrho's Tiny Rowland, Nyerere, for all his pretentious and lofty socialist statements, was always good for business.
Nyerere may have been almost immune to personal corruption, but he created one of the most indelibly corrupt societies in the 'third world'. A few days after Nyerere's burial, an international report confirmed that Tanzania was still one of the world's 25 poorest nations and the seventh most corrupt.
Nyerere's outstanding attribute may have been his ability to disguise his anti-Islam policies as 'Islamic.' He called his socialist experiment ujamaa, a word so associated with Islam and Muslims that many Muslims justified the policy as Islamic. He encouraged people to address him as 'Mwalimu' (teacher), a term of particular endearment among Muslims. And, although he and party-members wore Chinese-designed suits, 'Mwalimu' Nyerere adorned his head with a typical Swahili kofia (hat), an item previously made and worn only by Muslims.
But it was in the implementation of his language policy that Nyerere's 'de-Islamising' policies were most blatant. His adoption of Kiswahili, a language with deep Islamic roots, as the national language to be used in parliament was highly praised. Commentators saw it as yet another sign of Nyerere's commitment towards creating a one-nation state. This may have been partly true, but Nyerere's language policy had other objectives also, as was indicated in the areas of research pursued by his numerous well-funded language centres. The aim was always to 'Bantusize' the language, or in other words to 'de-Islamize' it.
The entire state machinery was behind this process: like the 'Islam-free' collective villages, the new language being devised by Nyerere's experts was to be purged of all Islamic content and context. In the event, it proved impossible to totally de-Islamise one of the oldest and most sophisticated of the Muslim languages in the continent, even though some 'success' was recorded.
However hard he tried, Nyerere could not always hide his anti-Muslim sentiments. "Has Nyerere's political behaviour sometimes reflected his upbringing as a Roman Catholic?" asks Professor Ali Mazrui, a renowned African scholar and acquaintance of Nyerere. "There is a school of thought which explains his recognition of the secessionist Biafra in 1969 as a form of solidarity with fellow Catholics against a Federal Nigeria which was potentially dominated by Muslims. This was in the middle of the Nigerian civil war. The Igbo of Biafra were overwhelmingly Roman Catholic." The leaders of Federal Republic were not.
Some have argued that it was the same anti-Muslim feelings - not concern for human rights - that prompted Nyerere to invade Uganda and topple General Idi Amin in 1979. The argument becomes even stronger if one remembers that all Mwalimu did was to reinstate Milton Obote, no less vicious than Amin, but not quite as ostentatious in his butchery.
Other external policies adopted by Nyerere exposed a similar anti-Muslim bias. His support for Frelimo in Mozambique was connected to the fact that the movement not only marginalised the country's Muslim majority but brutally suppressed it. In the Horn of Africa, Nyerere actively supported the effort by Ogaden to break away from Somalia.
Nearby he went all the way to consummate a forced marriage between Tanganyika and Zanzibar to form the Republic of Tanzania in 1964. The union ostensibly enhanced Nyerere's "pan-Africanist" credentials, but it was mostly at the expense of the Zanzibari Muslims. Nyerere, always eager to be portrayed as a champion of human rights everywhere, tolerated the recorded brutalities and inhumanity inflicted on the people of Zanzibar under the regime of the late Abeid Amani Karume.
The large and emotional crowds at Nyerere's funeral were the cathartic response of a people who never really understood the anomalies, the contradictions and the fantastic failures of a man they were taught to revere as the father of their nation. Nyerere, ever an Anglophile, even translated two of Shakespeare's plays. One of them was Julius Caesar, a man with whom he identified, and on whom he clearly modelled himself. But, as one writer has pointed out, Mwalimu, under Nyerere, became Swahili for fuhrer.s.
Now that the dust has settled after the death and state burial of Julius Kambarage Nyerere, ex-President of the Republic of Tanzania, it is time for some of the inconsistencies and paradoxes of the most Islamophobic leader in post-colonial Africa to be discussed and put into context.
Nyerere's death of leukemia in London on 14 October was greeted with almost universal mourning. From the Vatican to Beijing, London to Washington, Addis Ababa to Bandung, the tributes flowed in. It was quickly clear to any keen observer that the eulogising went far beyond simply de mortuis nil nisis bonum (speaking nothing but good of the dead). Indeed, the veneration reached a level that even Newsweek was prompted to ask: "How does a leader wreck a country's economy and still die an international hero?" The answer is simple: Nyerere was the ultimate warrior for anti-Islamic forces in Africa.
The story of Nyerere is, in many ways, the story of colonialism and the policy of de-Islamising Africa - the only Muslim continent - in the 'post-independence' era. Nyerere was not the only rabidly anti-Muslim leader in Africa but he was perhaps the most successful. Like most of the 'founding fathers' of the continent, Nyerere was handpicked by the colonial administrators and the church to become a leader of his country.
Nyerere's death of leukemia in London on 14 October was greeted with almost universal mourning. From the Vatican to Beijing, London to Washington, Addis Ababa to Bandung, the tributes flowed in. It was quickly clear to any keen observer that the eulogising went far beyond simply de mortuis nil nisis bonum (speaking nothing but good of the dead). Indeed, the veneration reached a level that even Newsweek was prompted to ask: "How does a leader wreck a country's economy and still die an international hero?" The answer is simple: Nyerere was the ultimate warrior for anti-Islamic forces in Africa.
The story of Nyerere is, in many ways, the story of colonialism and the policy of de-Islamising Africa - the only Muslim continent - in the 'post-independence' era. Nyerere was not the only rabidly anti-Muslim leader in Africa but he was perhaps the most successful. Like most of the 'founding fathers' of the continent, Nyerere was handpicked by the colonial administrators and the church to become a leader of his country.
My Thoughts
I think that Julius Nyerere is that he has did something postive with his life and that he was an great leader for his country.
Barack Obama Civil Rights Policies
I believe that the Obama civil rights policy is a great idea because everyone should be accepted as one and not judged on there sex and or same sex relationships(such as gay lesbianism and more.) I think that everyone is human so there shouldn't be any discrimination between any race or relationship. It is there choice of what they like or want to be with. I also believe that this is a great civil rights policy so that people won't feel bad or picked on by others.
I disagree with is "Support Full Civil Unions and Federal for LGBT Couples". To me, I think that supporting LGBT is wrong because there shouldn't be to much different likings in a household with kids because the kid may get picked on or turn into liking the same sex as them. I mean that everyone is entitled to like who they please but it may change the childs choices and or minds about there dating in the future.
I disagree with is "Support Full Civil Unions and Federal for LGBT Couples". To me, I think that supporting LGBT is wrong because there shouldn't be to much different likings in a household with kids because the kid may get picked on or turn into liking the same sex as them. I mean that everyone is entitled to like who they please but it may change the childs choices and or minds about there dating in the future.
Friday, February 20, 2009
President Obama's Stimulus Package Assignment
1. In general, what is the Stimulus Package and its overall purpose to the economy? Why is the Stimulus necessary? (see both videos).
.This package helps our country and the people in it and the goverment to change its past ways from the war in Iraq to the economic crisis that has the United States in a financial hole. Providing jobs for those who need it most, using the technolog we have today to aid us by investing it for a better future and supporting the lower and middle class aiding them most supporting our citizen of our nation.
2. What are the agreements and disagreements (with Democrats, Republicans, and others) around the Stimulus Package? What are President Obama's counter arguments in this debate? (see both videos)
.The disagreement was based on the fact that the people the package to be something as money wasted on one thing when it could be spent on something else. In response president Barack Obama let the nation know that in order for our nation to rise from the slumps or from the financial low were in we need to take care of the bigger problems and like a chain we will slowly fix our other problems for example we need to help transportation industries come out of bankruptcy before we can help gas company lower the price on gas with out cars where is the point in gas with our cars and planes where is the point in gas.
3. What are the spending details of the Economic Package? How will it create jobs? In other words, where and how will the money be spent? (see article)
. A bill will soon pass on improving our economy rising the most important of our problems first. This bill is known as the Stimulus bill which will be divided into sections Most of the money will go "energy" where electrical grids will reduce waste of exceeded electricity. Next section will be the "science and technology department where money will go into improving and remaking ta better world of technology. Last for the infrastruture or remodeling of our past money well go into aiding disastrous cities hit by natural disasters and company who need our help to left there company from bankruptcy It also aids children of our future who need help getting into to the neccesary colleges to get a brighter education.
4. What are some other areas of the Package that President Obama emphasized in both speeches on the youtube CNN speeches? (both videos)
. Another thing brought up was the fight not only for race and education and the fight between straights and gays but a battle of the sexs a feminine fued in the work place and every where else where women aren't given the same equal rights as men. Another thing is child health care this package will not be perfect but will be invested to help parents who dont have the money to pay for insurance not only for themselves or family but there children will have one less thing to worry bout financial wise.
5. Do you feel that this package will help Afrikan Americans and if so how? Do you feel that racism and/or gender bias will make a difference in the output or results of the package? Explain. (your opinion)
.I feel that this package will greatly effect not only african american alone but people of all ethnical backgrounds citizens or immigrants making life a little more stress free financially in there personal lives and as for gender bias females all around will be more up to showing that men dont always play a major roles in the world and that women like me can just as well perform an easy role in our nation.
.This package helps our country and the people in it and the goverment to change its past ways from the war in Iraq to the economic crisis that has the United States in a financial hole. Providing jobs for those who need it most, using the technolog we have today to aid us by investing it for a better future and supporting the lower and middle class aiding them most supporting our citizen of our nation.
2. What are the agreements and disagreements (with Democrats, Republicans, and others) around the Stimulus Package? What are President Obama's counter arguments in this debate? (see both videos)
.The disagreement was based on the fact that the people the package to be something as money wasted on one thing when it could be spent on something else. In response president Barack Obama let the nation know that in order for our nation to rise from the slumps or from the financial low were in we need to take care of the bigger problems and like a chain we will slowly fix our other problems for example we need to help transportation industries come out of bankruptcy before we can help gas company lower the price on gas with out cars where is the point in gas with our cars and planes where is the point in gas.
3. What are the spending details of the Economic Package? How will it create jobs? In other words, where and how will the money be spent? (see article)
. A bill will soon pass on improving our economy rising the most important of our problems first. This bill is known as the Stimulus bill which will be divided into sections Most of the money will go "energy" where electrical grids will reduce waste of exceeded electricity. Next section will be the "science and technology department where money will go into improving and remaking ta better world of technology. Last for the infrastruture or remodeling of our past money well go into aiding disastrous cities hit by natural disasters and company who need our help to left there company from bankruptcy It also aids children of our future who need help getting into to the neccesary colleges to get a brighter education.
4. What are some other areas of the Package that President Obama emphasized in both speeches on the youtube CNN speeches? (both videos)
. Another thing brought up was the fight not only for race and education and the fight between straights and gays but a battle of the sexs a feminine fued in the work place and every where else where women aren't given the same equal rights as men. Another thing is child health care this package will not be perfect but will be invested to help parents who dont have the money to pay for insurance not only for themselves or family but there children will have one less thing to worry bout financial wise.
5. Do you feel that this package will help Afrikan Americans and if so how? Do you feel that racism and/or gender bias will make a difference in the output or results of the package? Explain. (your opinion)
.I feel that this package will greatly effect not only african american alone but people of all ethnical backgrounds citizens or immigrants making life a little more stress free financially in there personal lives and as for gender bias females all around will be more up to showing that men dont always play a major roles in the world and that women like me can just as well perform an easy role in our nation.
My ancestors music



The music that my ancestor Inez Rebecca Little had in her time was jazz.
One of the singers was Bessie Smith. Bessie Smith is known today as a famous blues singer of the 1920’s. She was known as the “Empress of the Blues” during her times and she was one of the most successful female singers of the 1920’s.
In 1923, Bessie Smith went to New York for her first recording. She recorded "Down-Hearted Blues". The song quickly became famous and soon after that, she became the highest paid African-American entertainer in America. Her songs were famous because she sang about the experiences of an African-American person living in America. She described their feelings like suffering, or joy.
Bessie Smith not only attracted African-American audiences, but she also attracted white audiences. In 1929, she starred in a movie, "St. Louis Blues". By this time, the blues were becoming less popular and jazz was becoming more popular. Bessie Smith changed from a blues singer to a jazz singer so that she would remain popular. She was still popular after her change in music, but not as popular as before.
In 1923, Bessie Smith went to New York for her first recording. She recorded "Down-Hearted Blues". The song quickly became famous and soon after that, she became the highest paid African-American entertainer in America. Her songs were famous because she sang about the experiences of an African-American person living in America. She described their feelings like suffering, or joy.
Bessie Smith not only attracted African-American audiences, but she also attracted white audiences. In 1929, she starred in a movie, "St. Louis Blues". By this time, the blues were becoming less popular and jazz was becoming more popular. Bessie Smith changed from a blues singer to a jazz singer so that she would remain popular. She was still popular after her change in music, but not as popular as before.
Some of there food was soul food and or northern food.
They lived in mostly trailors and or shacks in the 1920's.
Teacher Essay
In this essay I am going to talk about me the three main topics I am going to talk about is my favorite subject is science and social studies, I strive for excellence, and I work well with others.
I believe that social studies is my favorite subject because it is showing me how the old days began and the slavery came about. Furthermore social studies tells us things that go on in our world and in our community. In addition social studies has economy, history, politics, economics, and much more this that deal with the community.
Next, I believe that I strive for excellence because I am outgoing and I try very hard at everything that I attempt to do. I work really hard and work to get the highest grade I could possibly get. In addition I have to work to my fullest abilities to become what I want to in life. When I grow up I would like to become a nurse or doctor, and I can not acheive this goal if I don't work hard enough for it. Lastly, In order for me to become and do what I want in life I need to strive for excellence.
Lastly, I believe that I work well with others because I try to help and encourage my peers to do the best that they can do. I help people with their homework, classwork, and any kind of school work they need help on. A lot of people say that I am very helpful, and work well with others. I think that I am very helpful and generous to those who are around me.
In conclusion this is my essay about me and my acadmical life in New Media Technology Charter School.
I believe that social studies is my favorite subject because it is showing me how the old days began and the slavery came about. Furthermore social studies tells us things that go on in our world and in our community. In addition social studies has economy, history, politics, economics, and much more this that deal with the community.
Next, I believe that I strive for excellence because I am outgoing and I try very hard at everything that I attempt to do. I work really hard and work to get the highest grade I could possibly get. In addition I have to work to my fullest abilities to become what I want to in life. When I grow up I would like to become a nurse or doctor, and I can not acheive this goal if I don't work hard enough for it. Lastly, In order for me to become and do what I want in life I need to strive for excellence.
Lastly, I believe that I work well with others because I try to help and encourage my peers to do the best that they can do. I help people with their homework, classwork, and any kind of school work they need help on. A lot of people say that I am very helpful, and work well with others. I think that I am very helpful and generous to those who are around me.
In conclusion this is my essay about me and my acadmical life in New Media Technology Charter School.
Tuesday, February 17, 2009
Negative song

The song that I picked is Hypnotized by Biggie Smalls.....
Uhhh, uhhh, uh, cmon
Verse one:
Hah, sicka than your average poppa Twist cabbage off instinct ni**az dont think sh*t stink Pink gators, my detroit players Timbs for my hooligans in brooklyn Dead right, if they head right, biggie there air nike Poppa been smooth since days of underroos Never lose, never choose to, bruise crews whoDo something to us, talk go through us Girls walk to us, wanna do us, sc**w us Who us? yeah, poppa and puff (ehehehe)Close like starsky and hutch, stick the clutchDare I squeeze three at your cherry m-3(take that, take that, take that, haha!)Bang every mc easily, busilyRecently ni**az frontin aint sayin nuttin (nope)So I just speak my piece, (cmon) keep my pieceCubans with the jesus piece (thank you God), with my peepsPackin, askin w askin who want it, you got it ni**aChorus: sung in imitation of part of slick ricks la-di-da-di
Biggie biggie biggie cant you see Sometimes your words just hypnotize me And I just love your flashy ways Guess thats why they broke, and youre so paid (uh)
Biggie biggie biggie (uh-huh) cant you see (uh)Sometimes your words just hypnotize me (hypnotize)And I just love your flashy ways (uh-huh)Guess thats why they broke, and youre so paid...........
My anaylsis on hypnotized is that he is talking about him having money while other people are broke and don't have anything because they downing him and how he is special and he has alot of money and he is very fashionable while others are hating on him and what he has while some girls are likeing him for his money. I think that he is using a lot of profanity in this song because he is expressing the way he feels and what he has in his life that he has worked hard for.
Uhhh, uhhh, uh, cmon
Verse one:
Hah, sicka than your average poppa Twist cabbage off instinct ni**az dont think sh*t stink Pink gators, my detroit players Timbs for my hooligans in brooklyn Dead right, if they head right, biggie there air nike Poppa been smooth since days of underroos Never lose, never choose to, bruise crews whoDo something to us, talk go through us Girls walk to us, wanna do us, sc**w us Who us? yeah, poppa and puff (ehehehe)Close like starsky and hutch, stick the clutchDare I squeeze three at your cherry m-3(take that, take that, take that, haha!)Bang every mc easily, busilyRecently ni**az frontin aint sayin nuttin (nope)So I just speak my piece, (cmon) keep my pieceCubans with the jesus piece (thank you God), with my peepsPackin, askin w askin who want it, you got it ni**aChorus: sung in imitation of part of slick ricks la-di-da-di
Biggie biggie biggie cant you see Sometimes your words just hypnotize me And I just love your flashy ways Guess thats why they broke, and youre so paid (uh)
Biggie biggie biggie (uh-huh) cant you see (uh)Sometimes your words just hypnotize me (hypnotize)And I just love your flashy ways (uh-huh)Guess thats why they broke, and youre so paid...........
My anaylsis on hypnotized is that he is talking about him having money while other people are broke and don't have anything because they downing him and how he is special and he has alot of money and he is very fashionable while others are hating on him and what he has while some girls are likeing him for his money. I think that he is using a lot of profanity in this song because he is expressing the way he feels and what he has in his life that he has worked hard for.
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